EVO (doesn´t) STAY, THE REVOLUTION ADVANCES

In Bolivia you can read the country’s politics in the street. Walls, rocks, bridges, mountain sides – anything reasonably prominent and able to hold paint is daubed with political slogans. The graffiti functions as a sort of political popularity contest, painted by Brigadas (groups of militant supporters), who aim to dominate the landscape with their party’s message – and subvert the slogans of their enemies.

In January 2006, Evo Morales, leader of the Movimiento Al Socialismo (MAS) coalition of leftist groups, became the first candidate in the history of Bolivian democracy to win the presidential elections with a majority, sweeping to power with 54% of the vote. In October 2003, the previous president, Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, had fled following a popular revolt over gas privatization in the city of El Alto. De Lozada’s government attempted to put down the revolt using military force, but despite dozens of deaths and hundreds of injuries, citizens marched on La Paz in their thousands, demanding a rejection of the neo-liberal policies that had dominated Bolivian governments since the 1980s, and tough action against the corruption that was pervasive in politics. Promising to ‘end 500 years of colonialism’, and ‘re-found’ the country through a new constitution that upheld the demands of the October 2003 revolt, Evo was elected carrying the hope of a nation hungry for change.

In La Paz, Evo is everywhere. Across the city, slogans bearing the MAS signature confidently declare ‘United Forever’, ‘Together We Will Overcome’, or simply ‘Evo’. Yet a closer look at some of the graffiti suggests that not all are happy with Morales’ presidency. In the MAS stronghold of El Alto, a question mark has been added to one ‘Together We Will Overcome’ slogan. Near the La Paz bus terminal, a ‘no’ has been added to ‘Evo Stays, The Revolution Advances’, subtly negating the statement, while on the Avenida Montes, the main road into La Paz, a disillusioned citizen has simply sprayed ‘Ciao Evo, Corrupt Thief.’

Two years into Evo’s presidency, has Bolivia fallen out of love with the man who epitomized change?

MAS admits it has made mistakes. Gustavo Torrico, MAS member of congress for La Paz, puts these down to the inexperience and naivety of a government fresh to power. “You shouldn’t leave the enemy injured. We left (the opposition) injured and we didn’t have the capacity to cut off the head. Very lukewarm measures were taken. Parts of the public administration were corrupt. We should have kicked out the thieves. I don’t know why, but it was decided that they stay.”

Soraya Vega, ex-minister for social security, resigned recently from MAS after becoming disillusioned with the government’s lack of will power to combat such corruption. She criticizes the President’s indecision, “Evo has wavered. The people who surround him are people who come from Neo-liberalism. We can’t fight with each other, and the corruption remains.”

Vega believes MAS’ current slump in popularity stems from a more fundamental problem, “MAS isn’t a political party. It’s a movement… a movement of the masses. In a political party there are hierarchies, there is democracy, there is a political ideology. MAS is lacking this.”

Building on this lack of political direction within the government, Remberto Cardenas, President of the Union of Bolivian Journalism Workers, affirms, “There’s no clear line within the government’s supporters, and because of this there are contradictions, marches and counter-marches, with one minister stating one thing and another rectifying what they’ve said.”

Torrico is adamant that the Morales government will avoid mistakes being made in the future, “Three months ago, the President formed a national Advisory Committee. This committee has put the process back on track. The Committee gives another vision, it has changed the government’s discourse.”

A change in attitude is urgent. The Government currently finds itself deep in a crisis as the opposition has taken the initiative on what was once one of MAS’ most popular issues; autonomy. Departmental, provincial and indigenous autonomy was one of MAS’ key policies during its 2005 election manifesto. However, as Torrico concedes, “We were going to campaign for the ‘Yes’ (to autonomy) vote, but some shortsighted politician convinced the President to reject this. We had to go out campaigning for No. We got rid of our flag.”

As the government has blundered, departmental autonomy has become the rallying call of a revitalized Right. The opposition, lead by the Podemos (We Can) party, has called a referendum on autonomy in the eastern department of Santa Cruz, to be held on May 4th. This has fractured the already strained relationship between Right and Left, and the opposition senses that MAS’ self inflicted injuries have set in motion the Government’s downfall. Antonio Franco, Member of Congress for Podemos, affirms, “If the possibilities for dialogue (between the Government and the opposition) run out, without a doubt, the big losers will be MAS and the social movements.”

Meanwhile, the workers’ groups and unions that once formed MAS’ key constituency in urban areas are beginning to lose patience with Morales’ slow progress in bringing about the reforms they hoped for, and are threatening to initiate mass demonstrations unless they see rapid progress. Bruno Apaza, representative of the Bolivian Workers’ Union (COB), comments, “May 1st, for COB, will be the start of a new process of resistance. Not against the Government, but no longer putting the Government on a pedestal without social and political re-vindication.”

Whether the government is suffering from early teething problems or more profound failures, the depth of the crisis facing MAS should become clear as the dust settles after the May 4th referendum on autonomy in Santa Cruz. The referendum has been dogged with controversy, with widespread claims that it is unconstitutional and that the opposition’s autonomy proposal is little more than an attempt by business interests to consolidate political power in resource-rich Santa Cruz. Despite this, the ‘Yes’ vote looks set to win the referendum. A convincing victory for the opposition could mean that Evo’s opportunity to ‘re-found’ the country may soon run out.